The Imperialist Scramble for Central Asia
The 19th century witnessed a dramatic expansion of European imperial powers into Central Asia, a region that became the focal point of what would later be termed the “Great Game” between Britain and Russia. Following the Industrial Revolution, Western powers intensified their colonial ambitions, with the vast territories between British India and Tsarist Russia emerging as particularly contested ground.
Russia had long coveted China’s northwestern frontiers. As early as the 17th century, Russian forces began encroaching upon the steppe regions along the Irtysh River, attempting to subjugate the Oirat Mongols and claim their lands. These efforts met with staunch resistance from Oirat nobility. When the Dzungar Khanate rose to power in the 1630s, Russian authorities shifted tactics, courting Dzungar leaders with gifts and diplomatic overtures. However, successive Dzungar rulers like Batur and Sengge firmly rejected these advances.
The situation changed when Galdan seized power in the Dzungar Khanate. Ambitious to create a vast empire stretching across the Tian Shan mountains, Qinghai, and Khalkha Mongolia, Galdan colluded with Russia, trading territory and privileges for support. By the early 18th century, Russia had seized large portions of the Irtysh and Yenisei river basins, setting its sights on the Tannu Uriankhai region.
Russian Expansion and Local Resistance
In October 1715, under orders from Tsar Peter I, Colonel Bukholts led a 2,900-strong armed expedition to Lake Yamysh, aiming to capture the legendary Yarkand gold mines. The Dzungar leader Tsewang Rabtan decisively rejected Russian overtures, mobilizing 10,000 troops to surround and force the Russian forces to abandon their fortifications.
Undeterred, the Russians launched another invasion in 1720, penetrating deep into Dzungar territory along the Irtysh River before being defeated by Galdan Tseren. Despite this setback, Russia established a chain of fortresses along the river – the Siberian Line – consolidating its presence in the region. During the Qing campaigns against the Dzungars, Russia actively interfered by sheltering rebel leaders like Amursana despite Qing protests.
The Kazakh Steppe and Shifting Power Dynamics
Russia achieved greater success in the Kazakh steppes. Tsar Peter I famously declared: “The Kirghiz [Kazakh] hordes… are the keys and gates to all Asian countries and lands, therefore this horde must be under Russian protection.” Between 1716-1718, Russia forcibly constructed forts at Omsk and Semipalatinsk, establishing forward bases for expansion into the Kazakh steppes. By 1822, Russia abolished the traditional khanate system in the Middle Horde through the “Regulations on the Siberian Kirghiz,” pushing its frontier toward Lake Balkhash.
Meanwhile, Britain, having expelled French influence from India, began establishing contacts along the Himalayan frontier. By the early 19th century, Britain had brought Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan under its sphere of influence. Russia’s southward expansion alarmed Britain, prompting its “masterly inactivity” policy – maintaining military pressure on border states while avoiding direct confrontation with Russia through diplomatic missions and intelligence gathering.
The Collapse of Qing Authority in Xinjiang
The 1860s marked a crisis for Qing rule. Internally, while the Taiping and Nian rebellions had been suppressed, massive Muslim uprisings erupted in Shaanxi and Gansu. Externally, the Second Opium War forced the Qing to sign unequal treaties ceding territory and sovereignty. Russia seized the opportunity to annex vast territories through the Treaty of Aigun and Convention of Peking.
In Xinjiang, Qing authority crumbled under financial strain. The province’s annual military expenditures of 2 million taels of silver – 5% of the empire’s revenue – could no longer be sustained after 1862 when central government subsidies ceased. Local officials imposed harsh taxes like the “chopstick tax,” exacerbating economic distress and fueling popular discontent.
The 1864 Uprisings and Fractured Xinjiang
In June 1864, unrest erupted in Kucha when starving peasants revolted against corvée labor conditions. The rebellion quickly spread, with Hui (Muslim) communities joining the uprising. Rebels initially offered leadership to the loyalist Kucha Prince Amat, who refused, declaring: “Our family has served the Great Khan for generations… Though the Khan is a non-believer, I must keep my word and respect the salt I have eaten.” His execution marked a turning point.
The rebels installed Imam Rashidin Khoja as their leader, who declared a holy war against non-Muslims. Meanwhile, similar uprisings occurred in Ürümqi, where Hui leader Tuo Ming (also known as Duo Luo Luo) proclaimed himself “King of the Pure and True” (Qingzhen Wang). By October 1864, Qing control had collapsed across most of Xinjiang, with only scattered garrisons holding out in fortified positions.
The Arrival of Yakub Beg
Amid this chaos, the situation in Kashgar grew particularly complex, with Hui, Kyrgyz, and local factions vying for power. In 1865, Kyrgyz leader Siddiq Beg invited Buzurg Khan, a descendant of the former Khoja rulers, to return from Kokand and lend legitimacy to his regime. Accompanying Buzurg was Yakub Beg, a seasoned Kokandi commander who would soon eclipse his nominal master.
Yakub Beg’s early life reads like a Central Asian epic. Born in 1820 in Piskent, he rose from being an orphaned street performer to a military commander through cunning and martial prowess. His defense of Ak-Mechet against Russian forces in 1853 demonstrated his military skill, though the city ultimately fell. After various political intrigues in Kokand, Yakub seized the opportunity presented by the Xinjiang uprising to carve out his own domain.
Consolidation of Power
Yakub Beg quickly established himself in Kashgar, marginalizing Siddiq Beg and other local leaders. By 1866, he controlled most of southern Xinjiang through a combination of military force and political maneuvering. His forces captured Yarkand and Khotan through a mix of battlefield victories and treachery – in Khotan, he gained entry by pretending to make a religious pilgrimage before executing the local ruler.
The decisive moment came in 1867 when Yakub defeated the Kucha-based regime of Rashidin Khoja, incorporating eastern Xinjiang into his domain. With this victory, he felt secure enough to dispense with Buzurg Khan’s symbolic authority, declaring himself “Badaulat Khan” (Fortunate King) and establishing the short-lived “Yettishar” (Seven Cities) state.
The Final Campaigns and Downfall
Between 1869-1870, Yakub turned his attention northward, defeating Tuo Ming’s Hui regime in Ürümqi through an alliance with Han militia leader Xu Xuegong. However, after capturing Ürümqi, Yakub betrayed Xu, leading to renewed resistance. Despite these challenges, by 1871 Yakub controlled most of Xinjiang except for a few Qing strongholds like Barkol.
Yakub’s regime lasted until the Qing reconquest under Zuo Zongtang in 1877. His rule was marked by brutal repression, economic decline, and increasing dependence on British and Ottoman support against Russian expansion. When Qing forces advanced, Yakub’s fragile coalition collapsed, and he died under mysterious circumstances in Korla in May 1877.
Legacy of the Yakub Beg Episode
The Yakub Beg interregnum represents a critical chapter in Central Asian history, illustrating:
1. The fragility of Qing control in its frontier regions
2. The complex interplay of local, imperial, and colonial interests
3. How charismatic leaders could briefly forge new states from collapsing empires
4. The geopolitical significance of Xinjiang in the Great Game
Today, Yakub remains a controversial figure – viewed by some as a resistance leader against Qing rule, and by others as a brutal opportunist whose regime brought suffering to Xinjiang’s multiethnic population. His story encapsulates the turbulent transition from traditional empires to modern nation-states in Central Asia.