The Political Landscape of Meiji Japan

In the late 19th century, Japan underwent one of history’s most remarkable transformations. The Meiji Restoration of 1868 had ended centuries of feudal rule under the Tokugawa shogunate, launching Japan on a rapid course of modernization and westernization. By the 1890s, the nation stood at a critical juncture—balancing traditional values with imported political systems, industrial development with social stability. The Meiji Constitution of 1889 had established a constitutional monarchy, but the practical implementation of party politics remained uncertain. Power still largely resided with the genro, the elder statesmen who had engineered the Restoration, while political parties struggled to find their footing within the new constitutional framework.

The political environment of 1898 reflected these tensions. Two major parties had emerged: the Liberal Party led by Okuma Shigenobu. Both leaders were veteran politicians who had championed democratic ideals during the Freedom and People’s Rights Movement of the 1870s and 1880s. Yet despite their reformist credentials, real power remained concentrated in the hands of the genro, particularly Ito Hirobumi, who had served as prime minister four times and was the principal architect of Japan’s constitution.

The Unexpected Transition of Power

On the evening of June 25, 1898, a remarkable political transition began unfolding in Tokyo. Ito Hirobumi, then serving as prime minister, invited Okuma Shigenobu of the former Progressive Party and Itagaki Taisuke of the former Liberal Party to the official residence. In what represented a significant departure from established practice, Ito informed the two opposition leaders that he had recommended to Emperor Meiji that they form the next government. This move surprised contemporary observers, as Ito had previously been skeptical about transferring power to political parties.

Two days later, on June 27, Emperor Meiji formally commanded Okuma and Itagaki to form a new cabinet. The speed of this transition underscored both the political instability of the moment and Ito’s willingness to experiment with party government. By June 30, Japan’s first party cabinet—known as the Okuma-Itagaki or Waihan Cabinet—had taken shape, marking a watershed moment in Japanese political history.

Composition of Japan’s First Party Cabinet

The newly formed cabinet represented a coalition between the former Progressive and Liberal parties, which had recently merged to form the Kenseito . With the exception of the Army and Navy ministers—positions traditionally filled by military officers—every cabinet member belonged to the Kenseito party. This gave the cabinet its distinctive character as Japan’s first government formed by a political party holding majority seats in the House of Representatives.

The cabinet’s composition reflected careful balancing between the two former parties. Okuma Shigenobu served as Prime Minister and concurrently held the foreign affairs portfolio, leading a contingent of four ministers from the former Progressive Party. Itagaki Taisuke took the crucial position of Home Minister, overseeing domestic administration and police affairs, while his former Liberal Party colleagues secured two additional cabinet posts. The slight numerical advantage given to Okuma’s faction would later prove significant in the cabinet’s internal dynamics.

The distribution of lower-level positions—vice-ministers, bureau chiefs, prefectural governors, and local administrators—proved more contentious than the cabinet appointments themselves. Members of both former parties eagerly sought these influential posts, creating intense competition that would eventually strain the coalition. Initially, however, these tensions remained beneath the surface as the new government focused on establishing its authority.

Ito Hirobumi’s Strategic Withdrawal

Following his resignation, Ito retreated to his seaside residence in Oiso, a small town overlooking Sagami Bay. This period of rest and reflection typified Ito’s approach to political setbacks throughout his career. Rather than dwelling on defeat, he would withdraw temporarily to recuperate physically and mentally before returning to the political arena with renewed energy. Contemporary observers noted this resilience as one of his most admirable qualities.

Initially concerned about how the new party government would function, Ito monitored political developments from Oiso. By July, his anxieties had eased as he observed the Constitutional Party systematically establishing local branches across Japan’s 37 prefectures, creating 39 party offices and 2 temporary bases. This organizational work demonstrated that the new government possessed both competence and political legitimacy.

On July 13, Ito returned to Tokyo, checking into the Imperial Hotel before meeting with Prime Minister Okuma the following day and Home Minister Itagaki shortly thereafter. During this visit, he revealed to journalists his plans to travel through China, journeying from northern regions down to the Yangtze River basin. This announcement signaled both his continued engagement with international affairs and his characteristically strategic approach to political exile.

The Chinese Journey: Objectives and Preparations

Ito’s decision to travel through China served multiple purposes, reflecting his complex personality as both statesman and intellectual. Primarily, he sought to personally observe the situation in China, which was then experiencing intense pressure from foreign powers and internal reform movements. On June 11, 1898, the young Guangxu Emperor had launched the Hundred Days’ Reform, an ambitious modernization program that mirrored Japan’s own Meiji reforms in many respects. Ito recognized that China’s transformation would significantly impact Japan’s strategic position in East Asia.

Beyond political observation, the journey fulfilled personal interests. Chinese poetry represented one of Ito’s few non-political passions, and he looked forward to traveling through the landscape that had inspired the classical verses he admired. The trip also offered an opportunity to recharge intellectually before potentially returning to government service.

Ito traveled with a small entourage: one translator proficient in Chinese, another skilled in English, and the poet Mori Tashiro , who had frequently accompanied Ito since his first premiership in 1885. This modest retinue reflected Ito’s preference for intimate travel rather than elaborate official visits.

Journey Through Japan and Korea

On July 26, Ito departed Oiso, beginning a leisurely journey through Japan’s Kansai region before reaching Kobe on August 16, where he boarded a ship bound for Nagasaki. His route included stops at scenic locations like the养老 Valley in Gifu Prefecture and the famous sights of Uji and Arashiyama in Kyoto. That summer proved exceptionally hot, with Ito writing to his wife Umeko that the heat exceeded what he had experienced in Taiwan two years earlier.

After observing a trial run of a new ship arranged by the postal company in Nagasaki—followed by a banquet with approximately fifty guests—Ito continued to Korea. There, he received lavish hospitality that clearly pleased the recently departed prime minister. Korean authorities dispatched a royal family member to greet him at Incheon, followed by extensive banquets and receptions in Seoul. In letters to his wife, Ito described the intense heat but noted that he remained energetic, constantly moving between events. The royal treatment, he observed, exceeded what any previous foreign visitor had received.

This warm reception helped restore Ito’s damaged pride following his political setback in Tokyo. The respect shown by Korea’s leadership reaffirmed his international stature despite his domestic political troubles.

Observations in a Changing China

Ito arrived in Tianjin on September 11, 1898, entering Beijing three days later. Throughout his Chinese journey, he received extraordinary hospitality from officials at all levels. In Tianjin, banquets and visits continued day and night, with countless Chinese visitors seeking his advice and assistance for their country’s modernization efforts.

The political situation in Beijing proved particularly fascinating. On September 20, Ito received an unprecedented audience with the Guangxu Emperor, who was then implementing his ambitious reform program. The emperor’s friendly reception demonstrated the high regard in which Ito was held as an architect of Japan’s modernization.

The following day, however, political reality intervened dramatically. Empress Dowager Cixi launched a coup that ended the Hundred Days’ Reform, placing the emperor under house arrest and returning conservative officials like Li Hongzhang to power. Despite this political upheaval, Ito continued his schedule, attending dinners hosted by both the British legation and Chinese officials.

Traveling south to Shanghai on October 5, Ito encountered similar enthusiasm from Chinese scholars, merchants, and officials. In his detailed letters to Umeko, he documented both the lavish hospitality and his observations about China’s political situation. These communications revealed not only his analytical mind but also the unusual intellectual partnership he shared with his wife, whom he treated as a confidante rather than merely a domestic manager.

The Unraveling of Japan’s First Party Cabinet

While Ito traveled through East Asia, the political situation in Tokyo deteriorated. The Okuma-Itagaki cabinet, initially appearing stable, began showing cracks along former party lines. The underlying tensions over political appointments that had been suppressed during the cabinet’s formation resurfaced in July and intensified through the summer.

The situation reached a crisis point when Hoshi Toru, a prominent member of the former Liberal Party faction, resigned as ambassador to the United States and returned to Japan in mid-August. Allying with Home Minister Itagaki, Hoshi began organizing opposition to Prime Minister Okuma’s leadership within the Constitutional Party.

By early October, what had begun as internal factional disputes evolved into a full-fledged movement to overthrow the cabinet. Hoshi’s ultimate ambition involved collaborating with the Yamagata faction—led by another powerful genro, Yamagata Aritomo—to establish a new government under Yamagata’s influence. This development ironically would create conditions that might facilitate Ito’s eventual return to power.

Legacy and Historical Significance

The Okuma-Itagaki cabinet, despite its brief existence, established crucial precedents for party government in Japan. Its formation demonstrated that political parties could assume executive power, while its internal struggles revealed the challenges of coalition politics. The cabinet’s downfall highlighted the continued influence of the genro behind the scenes, but also showed that party politics had become an irreversible feature of Japan’s political landscape.

Ito’s journey through China and Korea during this period reflected the complex interplay between domestic politics and international relations in Meiji Japan. His warm reception throughout East Asia confirmed Japan’s rising status in the region, while his observations about China’s reform movement and subsequent backlash informed Japanese policy toward its continental neighbor for years to come.

The political crisis that unfolded during Ito’s absence ultimately set the stage for his return to power in 1900 as head of the Rikken Seiyukai, Japan’s first modern political party with mass organization. His experiences during this period of exile—both the international respect he received and his observations of China’s failed reforms—undoubtedly shaped his subsequent approach to both domestic politics and foreign policy.

The summer and autumn of 1898 thus represented a critical transitional moment in Japan’s political development, establishing patterns of party government, international engagement, and elite politics that would characterize the remainder of the Meiji period and beyond. The unlikely alliance between Okuma and Itagaki, the strategic withdrawal of Ito, and the complex interactions between domestic and international politics all contributed to shaping modern Japan’s political trajectory.