From Humble Beginnings to Military Ambitions

Born on December 12, 1862, in Tianjin, Cao Kun grew up in poverty as the son of a struggling shipyard worker. Despite financial hardships, his father insisted on educating his children, allowing Cao to attend a traditional private school for several years. Resisting his father’s expectations to become a shipbuilder or farmer, the young Cao Kun chose instead to become a cloth peddler, a role that suited his sociable nature.

Anecdotes describe Cao as an easygoing but determined figure, earning the nickname “Cao the Third Fool” for his perceived simplicity. Yet his life took a decisive turn when, after a humiliating encounter with corrupt soldiers at Baoding’s city gates, he abandoned commerce for the military—a common path for poor men seeking survival in late Qing China.

The Making of a Warlord: Networking and Opportunism

Cao Kun’s military career was shaped by three pivotal relationships:

1. The Godfather: Zheng Qian
Joining the Huai Army at 20, Cao impressed Zheng Qian, a mid-ranking officer who became his mentor and arranged his admission to the prestigious Beiyang Military Academy. This institution, founded by Li Hongzhang, connected Cao to future power players like Duan Qirui and Feng Guozhang.

2. The Patron: Cao Kezhong
After the Beiyang Academy, Cao Kun’s career stalled until he ingratiated himself with retired general Cao Kezhong, who introduced him to Yuan Shikai’s inner circle.

3. The Kingmaker: Yuan Shikai
Under Yuan’s patronage, Cao rose rapidly, commanding the elite Beiyang Third Division by 1907. His loyalty and tactical acumen during the 1911 Revolution and subsequent conflicts solidified his position as a key Beiyang clique leader.

The “Jade Marshal” and the Road to Presidency

Despite his reputation as a political opportunist, Cao Kun demonstrated genuine leadership. He earned soldiers’ loyalty by addressing their hardships—issuing fur ear covers for troops in freezing Manchuria—and showed shrewd judgment in promoting talent like Wu Peifu, who became his star general.

By 1920, Cao’s Zhili Clique dominated northern China after defeating Duan Qirui’s Anhui faction. In 1923, he orchestrated President Li Yuanhong’s ouster, setting the stage for his own ascent.

The Infamous “Piglet Election”

Cao Kun’s presidency was marred by scandal. To secure the 1923 election, he blatantly bribed parliamentarians:
– Base price: 5,000 silver dollars per vote (equivalent to ~$35,000 today)
– Tactics: Paid attendance fees, luxury hotel stays, and even proxy voting for absent legislators
– Outcome: 480 of 590 cast votes, despite widespread boycotts and satirical ballots reading “5,000 silver dollars”

The brazen corruption earned Cao the derisive titles “Bribery President” and “Piglet President,” while the legislature became known as the “Piglet Parliament.”

Downfall and Redemption

Cao’s presidency collapsed within a year when Feng Yuxiang, a disgruntled subordinate, staged the 1924 Beijing Coup. Imprisoned briefly, Cao retired to Tianjin’s British Concession, where he cultivated hobbies like calligraphy and opera.

His final act, however, redeemed his legacy. During Japan’s 1930s encroachment, Cao refused offers to lead a puppet regime, declaring: “Even if we must eat porridge, we will never collaborate with the Japanese.” He died in 1938, months after celebrating the Battle of Taierzhuang—a symbolic stand against aggression.

Legacy: A Complex Portrait

Posthumously honored as a Nationalist Army general, Cao Kun embodies China’s warlord era contradictions:
– As a power broker: His patronage networks exemplified the personalized politics of early Republican China.
– As a reformer: The 1923 Constitution he promulgated, though overshadowed by scandal, represented early republican governance attempts.
– As a patriot: His refusal to collaborate with Japan, despite personal ruin, contrasts sharply with contemporaries like Wang Jingwei.

From cloth peddler to disgraced president to posthumous hero, Cao’s life mirrors China’s turbulent journey toward modernity—a reminder that even flawed figures can contribute to national resilience.