A Power Vacuum in Late Joseon Korea

The political landscape of Korea underwent a dramatic shift in February 1898 with the death of the influential Daewongun, the former regent and father of King Gojong. For decades, the Daewongun had been a dominant force in Korean politics, balancing foreign powers and internal factions. His passing on February 22 created an immediate power vacuum, emboldening reformist movements that had been simmering beneath the surface.

Korea in the late 19th century was a battleground for imperial rivalries, particularly between Japan and Russia. The country’s strategic location made it a prize for expanding empires, and King Gojong’s court often found itself caught between competing demands. The Daewongun’s death removed a key stabilizing figure, setting the stage for a surge in nationalist sentiment.

The Independence Association’s Bold Appeal

On the very day the court announced a four-day mourning period, the Independence Association (독립협회), a reformist group advocating for Korean sovereignty, seized the moment. They convened a gathering and drafted a petition to King Gojong, articulating a vision of self-reliance that resonated deeply with the public.

The petition’s opening lines were striking:
> “A nation is defined by two principles: the ability to stand independently without reliance on foreign powers, and the capacity to govern itself under its own laws.”

It went on to criticize the government’s reliance on Russian financial advisors and military instructors:
> “When we surrender our finances to others and allow foreign hands to control our military, we cease to be a sovereign nation. A nation that is not sovereign will inevitably see its people turn to foreign powers, and those powers will inevitably interfere in our affairs.”

The document urged King Gojong to:
> “Hold firm to your sovereign will, align your heart with the 15 million people of this land… Practice self-governance internally, reject foreign dependency externally, and uphold the authority of Your Majesty and the independence of our nation.”

This was more than a petition—it was a manifesto for Korean autonomy, capturing the frustrations of a populace weary of foreign domination.

Rising Tensions with Russia

Initially, the Independence Association had taken a cautious stance toward both Russia and Japan. However, by 1897, their tone shifted as the Korean court appeared increasingly aligned with Russian interests. The arrival of Russian military advisors in 1896 was followed by financial experts, deepening suspicions of Moscow’s encroachment.

The movement’s leaders, including its president Ahn Su, gathered 130 signatures for the petition. That same night, a symbolic act of defiance unfolded: Kim Hong-rok, a Russian-affiliated interpreter and corrupt Seoul official, was attacked outside the Russian legation. The incident infuriated Russian envoy Alexey Speyer, who demanded the Korean government punish the assailants.

Speyer viewed the Independence Association as a tool of American-educated reformer Seo Jae-pil (Philip Jaisohn) and suspected Japanese involvement. In a fit of anger, he even proposed to St. Petersburg that Russia occupy northern Korea—a suggestion swiftly rejected by Foreign Minister Mikhail Muravyov, who insisted on upholding Korea’s nominal independence.

Japan’s Calculated Response

Japanese officials watched these developments with quiet satisfaction. Acting Minister Katō Masuo reported to Tokyo that the Independence Association’s actions were purely anti-Russian, with no Japanese involvement. Katō, who had once feared the group might turn against Japan, now saw an opportunity to exploit growing Korean resentment toward Russia.

The Independence Association further stoked nationalist fervor by opposing Russian coal depot construction on Geomun Island and protesting the March 1 opening of the Russo-Korean Bank. What began as criticism of foreign advisors had evolved into a broader movement for self-determination.

The Russian Threat and Japan’s Military Buildup

While Korea grappled with internal unrest, regional tensions escalated. In February 1898, Russian diplomat Roman Rosen submitted a stark assessment to his superiors: Japan’s patience was wearing thin.

Rosen noted that Japan’s initial calm toward Russia had evaporated after the Russian fleet occupied Port Arthur (Lüshun) in late 1897. Though Japanese leaders recognized the futility of outright conquering Korea, they were unwilling to accept Russian dominance. Rosen warned that if diplomacy failed, Japan might resort to military action—a prediction underscored by Japan’s 1897 decision to double its military budget.

The Scramble for Concessions in China

The geopolitical chessboard extended beyond Korea. Germany’s 1897 seizure of Jiaozhou Bay emboldened Russia to push for its own gains. On March 3, 1898, Russian envoy Pavlov presented China with an ultimatum: lease Port Arthur and Dalian to Russia and grant rights to extend the Chinese Eastern Railway.

China resisted, but under immense pressure, capitulated on March 23. The resulting treaty granted Russia a 25-year lease over the Liaodong Peninsula—the same territory Japan had been forced to relinquish in 1895 after the Triple Intervention. Tsar Nicholas II rejoiced in his diary:
> “At last, Russia has gained an ice-free port on the Pacific… All achieved without a single drop of Russian blood spilled.”

The Unintended Consequences

Nicholas’s triumph was short-sighted. By occupying Port Arthur, Russia alienated Japan and set the stage for future conflict. Japanese newspapers like the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun condemned the hypocrisy:
> “If Russia once argued that Japanese control of Liaodong would disrupt East Asian peace, how can its own occupation be justified?”

The editorial concluded with a rallying cry:
> “Though Japan’s military and economy are no stronger than in 1895, our people’s resolve has never been fiercer. If called to arms, we will march through fire and water.”

Legacy: The Fuse of the Russo-Japanese War

The events of early 1898 were a turning point. Korea’s Independence Association, though ultimately suppressed by 1899, planted the seeds of modern Korean nationalism. Meanwhile, Russia’s expansionism in Liaodong inflamed Japanese militarism, culminating in the 1904–05 Russo-Japanese War.

The Daewongun’s death, the reformists’ petitions, and the great powers’ rivalries all converged to reshape Northeast Asia. What began as a struggle for Korean autonomy became a prelude to a far deadlier imperial contest—one that would redefine the region for decades to come.