The Collapse of Duan Qirui’s Provisional Government

On April 20, 1926, Duan Qirui, once a dominant figure in the early Republic of China’s political arena, resigned as provisional chief executive. With neither the Zhili nor Fengtian warlord factions willing to support his continued rule, Duan boarded a special train to Tianjin with his close associates, including Wu Guangxin, Yao Zhen, and Liang Hongzhi. This marked the end of his political career, forcing him into retirement within the foreign concessions, where he devoted himself to Buddhist practices.

Duan’s departure left Beijing’s provisional government in disarray. His last act was dismissing acting premier Jia Dezhui and appointing foreign minister Hu Weide as acting premier. However, Hu lacked military backing or administrative support, plunging Beijing into a power vacuum.

The Zhili-Fengtian Struggle for Control

With Duan gone, the Zhili and Fengtian factions, despite their anti-communist alliance, began competing for dominance. Wu Peifu of the Zhili clique appointed his ally Wang Huaiqing as Beijing’s garrison commander, while Zhang Zuolin of Fengtian feigned disinterest in politics but maneuvered behind the scenes.

Wu proposed restoring Cao Kun’s 1923 constitution (without reinstating Cao himself) and reinstating Yan Huiqing’s cabinet. Zhang resisted, advocating instead for a new constitutional convention. After tense negotiations, they reached a fragile compromise: avoiding constitutional debates, prioritizing military cooperation, and allowing Yan’s cabinet as a transitional body.

The Short-Lived Yan Huiqing Cabinet

On April 25, representatives from both factions met in Beijing. Wu’s demands included upholding the constitution, replacing Cao Kun with Yan Huiqing, and suppressing communist elements in the National Army. Zhang’s camp rejected these terms, insisting on military-focused discussions. By May, Wu pressured Cao Kun to resign, and Yan’s cabinet nominally resumed power on May 12. However, Fengtian ministers refused to participate, leaving the government dysfunctional.

The Beijing Summit and Fragile Alliance

In June, Wu and Zhang held a historic meeting in Beijing. After minimal discussion, they agreed on a joint offensive against the National Army, with Wu targeting southern revolutionaries and Zhang focusing on northern forces. Despite the pomp—ceremonial yellow earth paving their routes—their alliance was superficial. Beijing’s government became a hollow shell, with real power lying in warlord hands.

The Anti-Communist Crackdown and Its Consequences

United under an “anti-communist” banner, Zhili and Fengtian forces intensified repression. Labor unions, peasant associations, and universities were raided; journalists and activists were executed. Forced conscription, military scrip, and heavy taxation sparked widespread suffering. Yet, as revolutionary writer Qu Qiubai noted, these measures only deepened public resentment, making “communism” synonymous with liberation in popular consciousness.

The Northern Expedition and the Warlords’ Downfall

Amid warlord infighting, the National Revolutionary Army launched its Northern Expedition in July 1926. Backed by Communist-organized labor and peasant movements, the campaign exploited warlord divisions. By year’s end, Wu Peifu and Sun Chuanfang were defeated, signaling the decline of warlordism.

Legacy: The End of an Era

Duan Qirui’s fall and the Zhili-Fengtian rivalry exposed the fragility of warlord rule. Their brutal tactics alienated the populace, while their inability to unite hastened their collapse. The Northern Expedition capitalized on these weaknesses, paving the way for a redefined China. The events of 1926 underscored a pivotal truth: without popular legitimacy, even the most entrenched powers were doomed to fail.

This period remains a stark lesson in the consequences of division and repression—and the inevitable rise of forces that champion collective aspirations.