The Gathering Storm: Reform and Reaction in Imperial China

The late 19th century found China at a critical crossroads. The Qing Dynasty, which had ruled for over two centuries, faced unprecedented challenges from foreign powers and internal decay. The humiliating defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War exposed China’s military weakness and sparked urgent calls for modernization. Against this backdrop emerged a remarkable reform movement that would briefly capture the imperial court before meeting a tragic end.

Emperor Guangxu, though formally the ruler, had long been overshadowed by his aunt, the formidable Empress Dowager Cixi, who maintained ultimate authority despite her nominal retirement. The young emperor, influenced by progressive thinkers like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, became convinced that only comprehensive institutional reform could save the dynasty from collapse. In what became known as the Hundred Days’ Reform, from June to September 1898, Emperor Guangxu issued a series of edicts aimed at transforming China’s education system, military, economy, and government structure.

These radical changes threatened the established order and the interests of powerful conservative factions at court. The proposed elimination of numerous traditional government offices particularly alarmed the thousands of officials who stood to lose their positions and privileges. As the reform agenda accelerated, opposition coalesced around Empress Dowager Cixi, who watched with growing concern as the young emperor challenged the very foundations of Qing rule.

The Night of Fateful Decisions

The tension between reform and conservative factions reached its climax in September 1898. Among the key figures was Tan Sitong, a brilliant scholar and committed reformer who understood the risks of their political project. In a dramatic evening encounter, he met with Wang Wu, a respected martial artist and potential ally who offered resources and men to support the reform cause.

Wang Wu presented his proposal with earnest urgency: “Brother,” he said, “I know you have grand principles, but I cannot simply watch you be arrested. Don’t you want to save the Emperor? I have men and money, but no one to devise strategy. Brother, we must have you!” Tan recognized this as an attempt to pressure him with moral obligation but chose not to directly challenge the approach. Instead, he replied cautiously: “Elder Brother Wang charges me with great duty, and I dare not refuse. However, tonight is certainly not possible, and this is no place for detailed discussion. Let us meet tomorrow morning at the wine shop as before.”

Reluctantly, Wang agreed to the morning meeting before taking his leave. Neither man could have anticipated how dramatically circumstances would change before dawn. This deferred meeting would never occur, as events were already in motion that would alter the course of Chinese history.

The Dawn Raid and Mass Arrests

The following morning, as Tan Sitong had just risen from bed, soldiers from the Infantry Command arrived at his residence accompanied by constables from Daxing and Wanping counties. In a coordinated operation, the authorities arrested not only Tan but also other key reformers: Yang Rui, Lin Xu, Liu Guangdi, and Xu Zhijing—the latter having previously recommended Kang Youwei for office. Along with Zhang Yinhuang and Yang Shenxiu, these seven men were transferred to the Ministry of Justice and held in solitary confinement, forbidden from communicating with each other.

The arrests sent shockwaves through Beijing’s official circles. The emperor’s supporters and those who had embraced the reform movement now found themselves in grave danger. Officials who had recently advocated for modernization—whether through memorials recommending new talent, proposing government restructuring, calling for abolition of the imperial examinations, establishing new schools, organizing study abroad programs, creating modern military units, developing agriculture and industry, founding banks, reforming currency, mining resources, building railways, or establishing newspapers and bureaus—all now feared for their positions and safety.

Those who could arrange travel funds quickly began planning their escape from the capital. The sudden exodus made Qianmen Railway Station unusually crowded as officials sought to distance themselves from the failed reform movement and avoid potential persecution.

Celebration Among the Conservatives

While reformers faced panic and persecution, conservative elements within the government celebrated the dramatic reversal. Just one month earlier, an imperial decree had abolished or merged numerous traditional government offices including the Court of Imperial Entertainment, the Office of Transmission, the Court of Imperial Entertainments, the Court of State Ceremonial, the Imperial Stud, and the Court of Judicial Review. These institutions, known collectively as the “Nine Chief Ministries,” had employed thousands of officials who suddenly found themselves without positions.

The restoration of conservative power under Empress Dowager Cixi promised the return of the old order and the revival of these abolished offices. However, practical complications emerged—some offices had been completely dismantled after the abolition decree, with not only archives and official seals disappearing but even windows and wall panels being stripped away. The physical infrastructure of government had literally been taken apart, creating challenges for restoration even when political will existed.

The Architects of the Coup

Behind the dramatic political shift stood key figures who had orchestrated the conservative resurgence. Among them, Yang Chongyi emerged as particularly influential. His memorial requesting the Empress Dowager’s return to power, submitted on the third day of the eighth lunar month, had set in motion the entire chain of events. His status among capital officials rose dramatically as he became recognized as the architect of the political reversal.

During the city-wide lockdown when railway service was suspended, a special train departed Qianmen Station with a single passenger car carrying Yang Chongyi to Tianjin for consultations with Ronglu, the powerful military commander who would emerge as the primary beneficiary of the political realignment. Yang returned to Beijing with new proposals to consolidate conservative control.

Despite enjoying Empress Dowager Cixi’s confidence, Ronglu faced significant opposition within court circles. Some officials resented his rapid rise and feared being overshadowed; others objected to his perceived arrogance; still others maintained loyalty to Emperor Guangxu despite outward compliance with the new power structure. Ronglu needed allies who could pave his way to greater authority within the capital.

Engineering a Political Ascent

Yang Chongyi’s second memorial provided precisely the mechanism for Ronglu’s advancement by proposing “the immediate summons of Beiyang Minister Ronglu to the capital.” The stated justification centered on security concerns—with Kang Youwei having escaped and Liang Qichao still at large, and with arrested reformers like Kang Guangren and Tan Sitong not yet executed, the memorial argued that foreign powers might intervene militarily on behalf of the reformers. Ronglu’s presence was therefore necessary to protect the Empress Dowager and Emperor.

This proposal created a strategic dilemma: the Beiyang region represented China’s most important military command and could not be left without leadership. Yang’s solution revealed his deeper political calculations and personal connections. He recommended that Li Hongzhang, the respected but recently marginalized senior statesman residing at Beijing’s Liang Temple, temporarily assume control of the Beiyang command.

The recommendation reflected Yang’s personal connection to Li Hongzhang through marriage—Yang’s son Yang Qi had married Li’s daughter Li Guoxiang in 1892, creating family ties between the two political figures. This relationship had initially seemed advantageous when Li Hongzhang’s power appeared unassailable, but China’s devastating defeat in the 1894 Sino-Japanese War and the subsequent destruction of the Beiyang Fleet had dramatically reduced Li’s influence.

Personal Networks and Political Fortunes

The marriage alliance between the Yang and Li families reflected the complex personal networks that underpinned Qing political life. Yang Qi, also known as Yang Yunshi, was recognized as a promising young scholar whose talents made him an attractive match for the prestigious Li family. The connection also offered potential advantages through regional associations—both Yang Chongyi and Weng Tonghe, the influential imperial tutor, hailed from Changshu in Jiangsu province. Li Hongzhang may have hoped this connection would improve his often strained relationship with Weng’s faction at court.

If this was indeed Li’s strategy, it proved unsuccessful. Following China’s defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Weng Tonghe and his supporters aggressively criticized Li Hongzhang, who was stripped of honors including the Yellow Jacket and Three-Eyed Peacock Feather before ultimately losing his positions as Viceroy of Zhili and Commissioner of the Beiyang Fleet. Although Li later undertook diplomatic missions including negotiations with Russia, he never regained his former influence, remaining excluded from both the Grand Council and military command.

Li Hongzhang’s decline directly affected Yang Chongyi’s political prospects, creating resentment toward Weng Tonghe’s faction. Yang perceived that Empress Dowager Cixi remained favorably disposed toward senior statesmen like Li Hongzhang, but that Emperor Guangxu’s reliance on Weng Tonghe prevented his “elder relative” from returning to power. This analysis led Yang to firmly align himself with the conservative faction opposed to the emperor’s circle.

The Aftermath and Historical Significance

The failure of the Hundred Days’ Reform marked a critical turning point in late Qing history. The executed reformers became known as the “Six Gentlemen,” martyrs to the cause of modernization whose sacrifice would later inspire revolutionary movements. Empress Dowager Cixi’s return to power solidified conservative control but failed to address the fundamental challenges facing China.

In the immediate aftermath, the widespread purge of reform-minded officials created an atmosphere of intellectual repression that hindered China’s ability to respond effectively to foreign pressures. The Boxer Rebellion just two years later and the subsequent foreign invasion further weakened the Qing dynasty, ultimately leading to its collapse in 1912.

The personal and political networks revealed in this crisis—the marriage alliances, regional connections, and factional loyalties—illustrate how traditional relationship structures influenced high-level politics in late imperial China. Figures like Yang Chongyi demonstrate how mid-level officials could sometimes dramatically influence national events through strategic memorials and careful political positioning.

The 1898 coup ultimately represents a road not taken—a moment when comprehensive reform might have transformed China’s trajectory but instead gave way to conservative retrenchment. The failure of moderate reform paved the way for more radical revolutionary movements that would ultimately overthrow the imperial system entirely. The events of September 1898 thus stand as a poignant reminder of how quickly political fortunes can change and how individual decisions can alter historical outcomes.