A Fateful Bombing in St. Petersburg

On March 13, 1881, Tsar Alexander II of Russia met a violent end when revolutionary terrorists bombed his carriage in St. Petersburg. This assassination sent shockwaves across Europe and Asia, coinciding with a pivotal moment in Japan’s Freedom and People’s Rights Movement. Just weeks earlier, Japan’s Tokyo Akebono Newspaper had serialized sensational accounts of Russian revolutionary Vera Zasulich, whose attempted assassination of a tyrannical official made her a folk hero among Japanese progressives. The paper’s dramatic conclusion—”When fierce women rise, even cruel despots tremble”—revealed how Russian revolutionary fervor resonated in Japan.

The Revolutionary Women Who Captivated Japan

The coverage of Zasulich and her compatriot Sophia Perovskaya (who orchestrated the tsar’s assassination) reflected Japan’s complex relationship with political violence. While the Tokyo Akebono Newspaper condemned assassination as “an irreparable calamity,” it warned rulers that oppression bred extremism. This discourse mirrored Japan’s own political tensions—as the government, alarmed by Russia’s instability and domestic activism, grappled with constitutional reform.

Constitutional Crossroads in Japan

The tsar’s murder accelerated Japan’s political reckoning. Senior Councilor Ōkuma Shigenobu urgently proposed adopting British-style parliamentary governance by 1883. Meanwhile, Itō Hirobumi championed imperial-centered governance, exploiting a corruption scandal to oust Ōkuma in October 1881. The resulting compromise—a nine-year timeline for establishing a Diet by 1890—revealed the Meiji oligarchy’s cautious dance between reform and control.

Russia’s Authoritarian Turn

In Russia, the new Tsar Alexander III swiftly crushed hopes for liberalization. His May 1881 manifesto, drafted by reactionary tutor Konstantin Pobedonostsev, declared autocracy “sacred and unshakable.” Reformist ministers were purged, and Loris-Melikov’s constitutional proposals—which might have created Russia’s first parliament—were abandoned. This cemented Russia’s trajectory as Europe’s last absolute monarchy entering the 20th century.

The Great Game Shifts East

As Russia turned inward, its foreign policy underwent subtle changes. Foreign Minister Nikolai Giers, a Lutheran Swedish-Russian diplomat, cautiously adjusted strategy after Western powers secured treaties with Korea in 1882. Karl Weber, a Baltic German diplomat fluent in East Asian languages, became pivotal in exploring Russo-Korean relations. His 1882 reports praised Korean migrants in Vladivostok as “industrious farmers with remarkable adaptability”—marking Russia’s growing interest in the peninsula.

Korea’s 1882 Crisis and International Repercussions

The July 1882 Imo Mutiny—where Korean soldiers rebelled against Japanese-influenced reforms—triggered a regional scramble. China reasserted dominance by exiling the rebel leader Daewongun, while Japan extracted concessions through the Treaty of Chemulpo. Russia observed cautiously, with Weber later negotiating Korea’s first treaty with a European power in 1884. His optimistic reports depicted Korea as a nation ripe for modernization under King Gojong.

Japan’s Russia Panic and the Neutralization Debate

Russia’s quiet advance alarmed Japanese strategists. In September 1882, legal scholar Inoue Kowashi warned that Russian control of Korea would be “a sword hanging over Japan’s head.” His proposed solution—a five-power guarantee of Korean neutrality modeled on Belgium—revealed Japan’s strategic dilemma: how to counter Russia without provoking China. French advisor Boissonade offered a variant plan preserving Chinese suzerainty, but neither gained immediate traction.

The 1884 Coup and Japan’s Frustrated Ambitions

Japan’s gamble to install pro-reform leaders via the December 1884 Gapsin Coup backfired spectacularly. Chinese troops crushed the three-day rebellion, forcing reformers like Kim Ok-gyun into exile. The debacle fueled Japanese public outrage, with Fukuzawa Yukichi’s infamous 1885 “Datsu-A Ron” (Leave Asia) essay urging Japan to abandon “backward” neighbors and embrace Western imperialism. Meanwhile, radical activists like Ōi Kentarō plotted private interventions, signaling rising militarism.

The Tianjin Accord and Precarious Balance

The April 1885 Tianjin Convention between Li Hongzhang and Itō Hirobumi established fragile rules for Sino-Japanese competition: mutual troop withdrawals, neutral military advisors for Korea, and prior notification for future interventions. This temporary détente masked deepening rivalries that would erupt a decade later in the First Sino-Japanese War.

Legacy of a Tsar’s Murder

Alexander II’s assassination set in motion divergent paths: Russia’s authoritarian retrenchment, Japan’s fraught democratization, and the great powers’ scramble for Korea. The 1880s revealed how localized events—a St. Petersburg bombing, a Seoul mutiny—could reshape geopolitics. As Weber’s reports show, even marginal actors like Korean migrants became pawns in imperial designs. Ultimately, these tensions would culminate in the Russo-Japanese War, proving how deeply 1881’s echoes reverberated across continents.

The era’s debates—about political violence, constitutionalism, and “civilizing missions”—remain eerily relevant. From Ukraine to the South China Sea, the ghosts of Perovskaya’s bomb and Itō’s compromises still haunt our multipolar world.