The Turbulent Backdrop of Ming-Qing Transition

The mid-17th century witnessed one of China’s most dramatic dynastic transitions as the Ming Empire crumbled before the advancing Manchu forces. Amid this chaos, the rugged Dabie Mountains—spanning modern Hubei, Anhui, and Henan provinces—became an unlikely stage for resistance. Known during the Ming dynasty’s twilight as the Ying-Huo region, these forested peaks had long served as a refuge for rebels and outlaws. The so-called “Gezuo Five Camps” peasant armies had earlier used these mountains to evade government suppression, while local gentry constructed interconnected fortresses (zhai) for mutual defense against bandits.

When the Qing armies swept south in 1645 following the fall of the Nanjing-based Hongguang regime, the infamous “hair-shaving order”—requiring Han Chinese to adopt the Manchu queue hairstyle—sparked widespread revolts. The Dabie Mountains’ existing fortress network was repurposed into what historical records call the “Forty-Eight Strongholds of Qihuang,” becoming bastions of anti-Qing resistance.

The Alliance of Mountain Fortresses

Under the leadership of Huanggang County’s Baiyun Stronghold chief Yi Daosan and Daqi Stronghold chief Wang Guangshu, over forty mountain forts formed a defensive coalition. Their manifesto was clear: resist grain taxes, defy the queue order, and maintain mutual military support. The alliance gained unexpected prestige when Zhang Jinyan—a former Ming Minister of War who had fled to the mountains after losing his Henan base—was invited to serve as their nominal leader.

Strategically positioned along critical routes between Hubei and Anhui, these strongholds became thorns in the Qing side. Despite being isolated enclaves in already-conquered territory, their control of mountain passes disrupted Qing logistical operations. Contemporary records describe how the forts “obstructed grain transport and openly violated the hair-shaving decree,” forcing Qing authorities to divert military resources.

The Qing Counterattack and Brutal Suppression

In November 1645, Qing military governors Tong Yanghe and He Mingluan ordered Huangzhou garrison commander Xu Yong to eliminate the rebel strongholds. What followed was a classic asymmetric warfare campaign:

– The Battle of Baiyun Stronghold (November 15-17, 1645): Xu Yong’s initial assault met fierce resistance from Wang Guangshu’s relief force of tens of thousands. After a day of bloody stalemate, the Qing commander regrouped his troops into three columns for a coordinated dawn attack. The pivotal moment came when Wang Guangshu—attempting to reinforce collapsing western defenses—was speared from his horse and captured alive. Leaderless, the rebel forces scattered, suffering thousands of casualties in the ensuing rout.

– The Fall of Doufang Stronghold (December 3-4, 1645): Xu Yong’s next target became a cautionary tale of betrayal. The fort’s defenders, including 400 reinforcements from Yingshan led by deputy commander Chen Fu, were undermined when Chen secretly defected. Following Xu Yong’s instructions, Chen returned to the stronghold as a mole, signaling Qing forces during their assault. The resulting pincer movement captured fortress leader Zhou Congkuang and Yingshan magistrate Liu Shixu (appointed by Zhang Jinyan), followed by the complete burning of the stronghold.

The captured leaders—Wang Guangshu, Yi Daosan, Zhou Congkuang, and Liu Shixu—were executed publicly in Wuchang as a warning. Meanwhile, the Qing systematically demolished the physical infrastructure of resistance, dismantling Daqi, Baiyun, Quanhua, and other key strongholds.

The Treachery of the Scholar-General

The resistance suffered its most devastating blow not from battlefield defeats, but from betrayal at the highest level. Zhang Jinyan—the former Ming minister turned alliance leader—secretly negotiated surrender through Li Youlong, the Qing governor of Anqing. His carefully worded petition reached Hong Chengchou, the Ming-turncoat now serving as Qing Grand Secretary, who leveraged their prior relationship to secure amnesty.

This defection exposed the fragile nature of gentry-led resistance. While Zhang and his fellow literati officials sought accommodation with the new regime, grassroots rebels continued fighting under the banner of “Prince Jing”—a Ming imperial clansman based at Sikong Mountain Fort in Taihu County. Even as late as 1648, these holdouts coordinated with larger uprisings like Jin Shenghuan’s revolt in Jiangxi.

Cultural Legacy of Mountain Resistance

The Forty-Eight Strongholds phenomenon represents several understudied aspects of early Qing history:

1. Regional Autonomy vs. Central Control: The strongholds demonstrated how mountainous terrain could sustain alternative power structures challenging centralized authority.

2. The Queue Order as Revolutionary Catalyst: Unlike anti-tax rebellions, this resistance was fundamentally cultural—defending Han identity against Manchu-imposed customs.

3. The Gentry’s Divided Loyalties: Figures like Zhang Jinyan embodied the Confucian scholar’s dilemma—whether to preserve lives through compromise or principles through resistance.

Modern archaeological surveys have identified remnants of these forts, with local folklore preserving songs about “the year the mountains stood against the northern horsemen.” The episode remains a touchstone for discussions about regional identity in central China, where the Dabie Mountains continue to symbolize rugged independence.

Conclusion: Echoes in the Valleys

Though ultimately crushed, the Forty-Eight Strongholds delayed Qing consolidation in central China for nearly three years—a significant achievement against one of history’s most effective conquest regimes. Their story survives not just in archival documents like Governor He Mingluan’s 1645 report or Hong Chengchou’s memorials, but in the very landscape where rebels once watched from stone walls for approaching banners. Today, as historians reassess China’s 17th-century transitions, these forgotten fortresses remind us that dynastic changes were never simple replacements of power, but complex negotiations between conquerors and the conquered.