An Imperial Anomaly in Late Qing China

In the twilight years of China’s last imperial dynasty, a series of bizarre events unfolded around the Manchu prince Zaiyi that would briefly place him and his son at the center of power, only to culminate in spectacular downfall. This peculiar episode during the final years of the Qing dynasty reveals much about the decaying imperial system, the struggle for power between conservatives and reformers, and how personal ambitions could shape national policy with disastrous consequences. The story of Zaiyi represents one of history’s great “what if” scenarios—a man who came within reach of the Dragon Throne yet ultimately became a footnote in China’s transition to modernity.

A Prince by Mistake: The Unlikely Rise of Zaiyi

Zaiyi’s path to prominence began with an administrative error that would define his identity. Born into the imperial clan as the son of Yicong, the fifth son of the Daoguang Emperor, Zaiyi was adopted by Prince Ruizhi as was common practice among Qing nobility to maintain family lines. According to standard protocol, he should have inherited the title “Prince Rui” from his adoptive father. However, when the imperial edict officially granting his title was issued, a scribal error changed the character “Rui” to “Duan”—a mistake that, once formally recorded, could not be corrected under Qing bureaucratic tradition. Thus, through this absurd twist of fate, Zaiyi became known not as Prince Rui but as Prince Duan.

Beyond this titular mishap, Zaiyi carried another source of lifelong resentment: his given name. The characters chosen for his name were considered exceptionally unfortunate and visually unappealing, featuring an unusual combination of radicals that created a sense of imbalance and awkwardness. Court rumors suggested this was no accident—that the Xianfeng Emperor, who held particular disdain for Zaiyi’s biological father, had deliberately selected these characters as a subtle insult. This naming controversy reflected the marginal status of Zaiyi’s branch within the imperial clan. Unlike his uncle Prince Gong, who became one of the most powerful figures in late Qing politics, Zaiyi’s father Yicong never held significant positions beyond ceremonial roles in the Imperial Clan Court and was notably excluded from the powerful Grand Council that governed state affairs.

The Succession Crisis That Created an Opportunity

Zaiyi’s fortunes dramatically changed following the Hundred Days’ Reform of 1898 and its aftermath. The failed reform movement created an irreparable breach between the Guangxu Emperor and his aunt, the Empress Dowager Cixi, who had effectively controlled the government for decades. Fearing that the emperor would outlive her and reverse her policies—or worse, posthumously dishonor her—Cixi determined to replace him. This presented an unprecedented constitutional crisis, as no Qing emperor had ever been formally deposed.

Cixi employed a clever strategy to undermine Guangxu’s legitimacy. Using the emperor’s own name, she issued edicts claiming he suffered from serious health problems and, crucially, was incapable of fathering children. There was some truth to these assertions—contemporary accounts describe Guangxu as physically frail, with particular sensitivity to loud noises that caused him visible distress. His childlessness after years of marriage provided circumstantial evidence supporting the infertility claims. In 1899, Cixi arranged for Zaiyi’s fifteen-year-old son, Pujun, to be adopted as her nominal son and designated heir, an event known to history as the Jihai Establishment of the Crown Prince.

This move met with immediate and powerful opposition from unexpected quarters. Foreign diplomats stationed in Beijing, who viewed Guangxu as more open to Western ideas and easier to work with than the conservative Cixi, refused to acknowledge the change in succession. Perhaps more significantly, powerful provincial governors—notably Liu Kunyi, the Governor-General of Liangjiang—expressed strong reservations. In a coded telegram to Cixi’s confidant Ronglu, Liu articulated the political reality: “The relationship between ruler and minister is already fixed; it is difficult to prevent discussion both domestically and abroad.” He subtly warned that removing Guangxu might trigger unrest for which Cixi’s supporters would bear responsibility. This opposition revealed how power had shifted since the Taiping Rebellion—regional authorities now commanded sufficient military and financial resources to influence central government decisions, unlike during the height of Qing power under earlier emperors.

The Convergence of Grievances: Zaiyi, Cixi, and the Boxers

Frustrated by international and domestic opposition to her plans, Cixi found a natural ally in Zaiyi, who harbored his own resentments. With Guangxu remaining emperor, Zaiyi’s son could only be “heir apparent” rather than ascending to the throne. Zaiyi consequently developed intense animosity toward both the emperor and the foreign powers who supported him. This alignment of interests between the slighted prince and the frustrated empress dowager would have catastrophic consequences for China.

The Boxer Movement provided what seemed like a perfect instrument for their ambitions. Originally an anti-Qing secret society, the Boxers reinvented themselves as “Righteous Harmony Fists” promoting “Support the Qing, Destroy the Foreign” ideology. Their leaders claimed supernatural powers, including invulnerability to weapons through spiritual possession. While officials like Yuan Shikai in Shandong saw through these claims and suppressed the movement, others—including Zhili Governor Yulu and Provincial Judge Tingyong—became true believers, allowing Boxer groups to spread throughout northern China.

Zaiyi, along with allies like Prince Zhuang and Grand Secretary Gangyi, recognized the Boxers’ potential usefulness. By championing the Boxers as patriotic volunteers, they could pressure foreign powers while creating a popular movement that might force the succession issue. The Boxers’ anti-foreign stance provided perfect ideological cover for what was essentially an internal power struggle. Cixi, though initially skeptical, eventually saw advantage in harnessing this popular energy against her foreign critics.

The Fatal Embrace: Court Sponsorship of the Boxers

In early 1900, as Boxer activity intensified around Beijing, the Qing court faced a critical decision: suppress the movement or endorse it. Cixi dispatched officials including Zhao Shuqiao, the Minister of Justice, to investigate the Boxers’ supposed supernatural abilities. Zhao quickly determined their claims were fraudulent, but when Gangyi—a strong Boxer supporter—followed to ensure a favorable assessment, Zhao altered his report to align with Gangyi’s enthusiastic endorsement. This deliberately misleading information helped convince Cixi to officially recognize the Boxers as “righteous citizens” and place them under Zaiyi’s supervision.

The situation escalated dramatically when Cixi appointed Zaiyi to the Zongli Yamen on June 10, 1900—a move that alarmed foreign diplomats. The following day, Japanese diplomat Sugiyama Akira was murdered by Chinese troops under General Dong Fuxiang while meeting Japanese soldiers at Yongdingmen Gate. Rather than condemning this violation of diplomatic immunity, Zaiyi praised Dong as a hero, signaling the court’s increasing hostility toward foreigners.

By June 13, 1900, tens of thousands of Boxers had entered Beijing with official encouragement, beginning what would become the Boxer Rebellion. The subsequent siege of foreign legations and declaration of war against all foreign powers would lead to military intervention by eight nations, the occupation of Beijing, and the imposition of a devastating settlement through the Boxer Protocol.

Aftermath and Historical Legacy

The failure of the Boxer Rebellion destroyed Zaiyi’s political future. As part of the peace settlement, foreign powers demanded severe punishment for those responsible for the violence. Zaiyi was stripped of his titles and exiled to Xinjiang, while his son lost his status as heir apparent—the “supplementary emperor” who would never rule. This official dismissal, known as “kaique” in Qing administrative terminology, represented the complete reversal of his family’s fortunes.

Historians view the Zaiyi episode as symptomatic of the Qing dynasty’s fatal weaknesses in its final years. The bizarre circumstances of his title, the personal grievances shaping national policy, and the willingness to embrace superstition for political advantage all revealed a system losing touch with reality. The collaboration between court conservatives and anti-foreign populists established a pattern that would recur throughout modern Chinese history.

Perhaps most significantly, Zaiyi’s story demonstrates how individual ambition could exploit institutional decay with catastrophic results. His manipulation of the Boxer movement, driven by desire to see his son on the throne, contributed directly to a foreign invasion that further weakened China and discredited the imperial system. The fact that a relatively minor prince could exercise such influence reflects the power vacuum and political fragmentation that would ultimately lead to the 1911 Revolution and the end of imperial China.

The term “supplementary emperor” remains a historical curiosity, but it represents something larger: how close China came to a different succession path at a critical juncture, and how the personal and political intrigues of the late Qing court shaped the country’s traumatic entry into the twentieth century. Zaiyi’s legacy serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers when political decisions are driven by personal ambition rather than national interest, and when leaders embrace popular fervor without regard for consequences—lessons that transcend his particular historical moment.