The Cries for Reform in a Declining Buddhist Establishment

During the twilight years of the Eastern Jin dynasty (317–420 CE), the Buddhist clergy in the capital city of Jiankang (modern Nanjing) had reached a state of moral decay that alarmed even devout observers. Among the most vocal critics was Xu Rong, a military officer serving as General of the Left Guard Camp. In a bold memorial to the throne, he condemned the rampant corruption:

“I have heard that Buddhism teaches purity, detachment, and mystical wisdom—its five precepts forbid wine and sensual indulgence. Yet today’s so-called devotees wallow in debauchery, drunkenness, and lust… Nuns and monks form cliques, hiding behind their robes. If they cannot follow even the most basic precepts, how can they grasp the profound truths?”

Though Xu avoided naming names, his accusations unmistakably targeted Zhi Miaoyin, a politically connected nun whose influence at court symbolized the clergy’s moral decline. The emperor ignored Xu’s plea. Similarly, when Confucian scholar Fan Ning criticized Buddhist and Daoist excesses, he was exiled to the provinces. With dissent silenced, Jiankang’s Buddhist institutions spiraled further into corruption.

Divine Prophecies and Political Opportunism

As the Eastern Jin collapsed, warlords vied for power. In 417 CE, the monk Huiyi spread a prophecy attributed to a dying monk named Fa Cheng:

“The sacred spirits of Mount Song declare that General Liu of Jiangdong is destined to rule. I leave 32 jade discs and a golden vessel as proof.”

The “General Liu” was none other than Liu Yu, the future founder of the Liu Song dynasty (420–479 CE). Eager to legitimize his rise, Liu Yu embraced the prophecy, sending Huiyi to retrieve the artifacts. This episode reveals how both monks and rulers exploited religious narratives for political gain—a pattern that would define Buddhism’s relationship with the state for centuries.

The Paradox of Buddhist Prosperity Under Liu Song

Under Emperor Wen of Liu Song (r. 424–453 CE), Buddhism reached unprecedented cultural prominence. Monasteries multiplied, and influential monks enjoyed imperial patronage. Yet the old vices persisted. In 435 CE, regional inspector Xiao Mozhi petitioned:

“For four generations, Buddhism has flourished, but now piety is replaced by extravagance. Dilapidated temples go unrepaired while new ones compete in opulence. Palatial monasteries drain resources—timber, bronze, dyes—without spiritual benefit, only burdening the people.”

Emperor Wen, though sympathetic, deferred to his Buddhist-leaning advisors, notably He Shangzhi. The emperor admitted:

“I’ve read few scriptures and lack time to ponder karma. My policies rely on your wisdom.”

This hands-off approach allowed Buddhist institutions to grow unchecked, intertwining with aristocratic power until even the throne struggled to regulate them.

New Winds from the West: Foreign Influences and Sectarian Debates

The late Eastern Jin saw an influx of Buddhist texts from India and Central Asia, revitalizing Jiankang’s intellectual scene. Huiyi, the prophecy-bearer, founded Qihuan Monastery with noble funding. Here, foreign monks translated scriptures like the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra, which controversially promised salvation even to evildoers.

At Waguan Temple, the monk Daosheng—a disciple of the famed Kuchean translator Kumārajīva—lectured on the Vimalakīrti Sūtra, captivating aristocrats with its message of lay enlightenment. Meanwhile, debates raged between Mahāyāna (“Greater Vehicle”) and Hīnayāna (“Lesser Vehicle”) schools, foreshadowing later syntheses like the Chengshi Lun (“Treatise on Establishing Truth”), which influenced Japanese Buddhism through Prince Shōtoku.

The Developer-Emperor: Liang Wudi’s Buddhist Utopia

No ruler embodied Buddhism’s political potential more than Emperor Wu of Liang (r. 502–549 CE). After converting in 504 CE, he:
– Institutionalized piety: Issued the Declaration on the Immortality of the Soul, defending rebirth against Confucian critics like Fan Zhen.
– Built lavishly: His Tongtai Monastery, linked to the palace, featured a nine-story pagoda and halls funded by “ransoming” the emperor after his symbolic monastic vows.
– Sought relics: In 537 CE, he excavated a stupa at Changgan Monastery, finding Buddha’s “fingernail-sized” relics and hair described as “blue-black, coiling like a conch when released”—validating his divine mandate.

Yet excess bred backlash. Rumors spread of the “Heavenly Dog” eating livers—a metaphor for monastic taxes. When minister He Chen criticized extravagance, the aging emperor defensively listed his ascetic habits:

“Thirty years without women or wine, one meal a day, my waist shrunk from ten spans to two…”

His personal austerity couldn’t mask systemic rot. The Biographies of Eminent Monks later recounted how the Zen patriarch Bodhidharma dismissed his temple-building as “no true merit”—a verdict echoing history’s judgment.

Legacy: Faith, Power, and the Cost of Devotion

The Southern Dynasties bequeathed a complex legacy:
– Cultural synthesis: Indian texts met Chinese thought, birthing schools like Tiantai and Huayan.
– Political precedent: Later dynasties both feared and emulated Buddhist-state fusion.
– Social costs: Monastic landholding and corvée labor sowed discontent, culminating in the anti-Buddhist persecutions of the Tang.

From Xu Rong’s thwarted reforms to Liang Wudi’s relics, this era reveals religion’s double edge—as both spiritual refuge and tool of power. Its lessons resonate wherever faith and governance entwine.