The Dawn of Military Rule and Constitutional Reform

In the turbulent early 20th century, the Ottoman Empire witnessed a dramatic shift in power as the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) emerged as the dominant political force. Behind this transformation stood the formidable figure of Mahmut Şevket Pasha, the military commander who declared nationwide martial law, effectively establishing a military dictatorship that would last over two years. Unlike typical autocrats, Şevket Pasha governed with patriotic fervor and genuine belief in constitutional ideals, working closely with civilian CUP members while wielding unprecedented authority over military, financial, and economic matters.

This period marked a fundamental restructuring of Ottoman governance. The CUP embarked on sweeping constitutional amendments to the 1876 constitution that radically diminished the Sultan’s traditional prerogatives. The reforms established parliamentary supremacy, requiring the Sultan to swear allegiance to the constitution before the assembly. The monarch’s powers were severely curtailed – he could no longer appoint ministers independently, though he retained nominal approval rights for grand viziers and sheikh ul-Islams. Crucially, the parliament gained treaty ratification authority and abolished the Sultan’s notorious exile powers, which Abdul Hamid II had notoriously abused to banish political opponents like Midhat Pasha.

The New Political Order and Its Contradictions

The constitutional changes created a system where the Sultan reigned as a figurehead while real power resided with the parliament. Ministers became accountable to the assembly, which could force resignations through votes of no confidence. On paper, this established a balance favoring legislative over executive power, though in practice, the CUP-dominated parliament soon began consolidating its authority through restrictive measures.

New laws constrained civil liberties to prevent counter-revolutionary activities. Press freedoms faced limitations (though not outright censorship), while separatist organizations based on ethnic or religious identity were banned. This led to the closure of Greek, Bulgarian, and other Balkan minority clubs. The government formed special “cleansing detachments” to combat armed groups in the Balkans and implemented the unprecedented step of conscripting non-Muslims into the military – all in the name of national unity and religious equality.

The Crisis of Ottomanism and Rise of Turkish Nationalism

The CUP leadership confronted a painful reality: the centuries-old Ottomanist ideal of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious empire was collapsing. Talaat Pasha, one of the most pragmatic CUP leaders, privately admitted that Ottomanism had become “an impossible ideal” given Balkan nationalist agitation. As the British ambassador observed, the CUP’s “Ottomanization” policy increasingly meant Turkification, with compulsory Turkish language education for Arabs, Albanians, and other Muslim minorities.

This shift reflected broader ideological currents. The 19th century reformist vision – rooted in Western-educated elite cosmopolitanism – gave way to a more populist, nationalist politics with mass appeal. The CUP drew support from Turkey’s emerging middle class and urban populations, frequently mobilizing public demonstrations to legitimize its policies. However, this popular engagement didn’t translate into substantive social reforms. The revolutionaries focused on preserving the empire’s remaining territories rather than transforming its social order.

The Balkan Wars and Imperial Collapse

The CUP’s governance faced its ultimate test during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913). The disastrous First Balkan War saw Ottoman forces rapidly defeated by a coalition of Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria. Within weeks, the empire lost nearly all its European territories except for a sliver of Thrace. The shocking defeats – including the fall of Salonika after nearly 500 years of Ottoman rule – shattered the myth of Turkish military invincibility.

Internal divisions exacerbated these crises. The “Savior Officers” faction, opposing CUP authoritarianism, forced Şevket Pasha’s resignation and briefly installed a more liberal government. However, the CUP soon regained control through a dramatic coup in January 1913, led by Enver Pasha who stormed government buildings and assassinated the war minister.

The Second Balkan War (1913) provided partial redemption as Ottoman forces recaptured Adrianople (Edirne). Yet the empire emerged from these conflicts permanently diminished in Europe, its territories reduced to eastern Thrace and Constantinople. The wars also accelerated the ideological shift from Ottomanism to Turkish nationalism that would define the republic’s founding.

Legacy: From Empire to Nation-State

The CUP era represents a pivotal transition in Turkish history – the painful metamorphosis from multi-ethnic empire to nation-state. While initially committed to constitutional government, the CUP increasingly embraced authoritarian methods and Turkish nationalist policies that alienated minority populations. Its mixed legacy includes both progressive reforms and the seeds of future ethnic tensions.

The ideological evolution during this period proved most enduring. As Ottomanism and pan-Islamism faded, Turkish nationalism – influenced by European ideas and romanticized visions of Central Asian heritage – became the dominant political force. This transformation, encapsulated in poet Mehmed Emin’s declaration “I am a Turk, my faith and race are mighty,” would shape the republic Mustafa Kemal Atatürk later founded.

The CUP’s final years witnessed the empire’s dramatic territorial collapse but also planted the cultural and ideological seeds for modern Turkey. Its story remains essential for understanding how a centuries-old imperial identity gave way to nationalist modernity in the Middle East’s most consequential political transformation of the early 20th century.